Populism: Democracy’s stress test?
“Populist” has become a catch-all term. It can mean anything from racist, nationalist, authoritarian, or anti-establishment to (less controversially) a kind of politics centred around the concerns of everyday citizens.
The difference between populist politics and regular politics is difficult to discern. Both approaches strive to make the voice of the people heard.
According to Google’s dictionary, populism is “a political approach that strives to appeal to ordinary people who feel that their concerns are disregarded by established elite groups.” This is why President Barack Obama could say his political platform made him a populist.
It all comes down to whom the appeal is made. If a group sees themselves as “ordinary citizens” and feels their views are not represented within their political institutions, then it’s populist. New Zealand First leader Winston Peters wears the label proudly. “Populism means that you’re talking to the ordinary people and you’re placing their views far higher than the Beltway and the paparazzi or dare I say the bureaucracy,” he said in 2020.
[Populist] politics works by telling people without power that those who have it aren’t listening and are actively working against their interests.
This kind of politics works by telling people without power that those who have it aren’t listening and are actively working against their interests.
Consider the 2016 US elections, where both democratic socialist Bernie Sanders and billionaire real estate tycoon Donald Trump made populist appeals to ordinary Americans by blaming elites for the nation’s problems.
Thus, populism can be right or left-wing. But here’s where it gets interesting: minority politics is populist politics, either numerically or representatively.
COVID-19 was undoubtedly the driving factor behind Mr Peters’ return to office. He quite literally went where others feared to tread by meeting protestors (who made up a minority of the population) at the anti-mandate occupation of parliament in February 2022.
River of Freedom, a documentary about the occupation, deploys archival footage of Michael Wood dismissing the protest as a “river of filth,” the perfect foil for Winston Peters’ cameo. Speaking to a crowd of protestors, he said, “I couldn’t believe… that parliament should unanimously say we’re not going to talk to the protestors.”
If we want to avoid problematic populist politics, then our elites must deign to listen when outsiders speak.
In the words of one parliamentary occupier, “[If] democracy is a conversation and politicians don’t want to have the conversation, what are we all doing here?”
Of course, let’s not discount the allure of populists nor their danger. It’s worth remembering that twentieth-century fascism took root in democratising societies.
If we want to avoid problematic populist politics, then our elites must deign to listen when outsiders speak. Should they refuse and a popular figure arises, the only thing that will protect against tyrannical majoritarianism is due respect for our institutions and political traditions.
And where does that come from? Us. The people. Professor Tom Simpson recently spoke of the post-World War II realisation among intellectuals that “it would be people, not primarily constitutions or technologies, who must be responsible for sustaining a just and stable political order.”
Populism isn’t inherently bad, but it does need self-awareness and channelling. When it comes to preserving our political system, we should all be populists.
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Communications Coordinator Josiah Brown explains the thinking behind his column.