
As relief floods into Haiti, we need to ask what assistance means in the long-term not just the present.

"A Tax System for New Zealand's Future"
Tax Working Group's final report criticises current system and advocates change.

Researchers find a link between power and "moral hypocrisy."
Helping Haiti
Two weeks ago a magnitude 7.0 earthquake devastated Haiti's capital of Port-au-Prince. Estimates of the dead
range from 112,250 to 150,000 and are rising; nearly 200,000 people are injured and approximately 800,000 are
homeless. That is over one million people directly affected by the earthquake in a city with roughly the same
population as Auckland.
Similar natural disasters have struck in wealthier countries but with much less devastating effects. Haiti's
current level of catastrophe is due in large part to its condition the day before the quake struck: crumbling
infrastructure, the highest poverty rate in the Western Hemisphere, and a weak government. These are the factors
that helped turn a natural disaster into a human catastrophe.
The international community has opened its hearts and its wallets to the people of Haiti. Texting services and
websites have enabled thousands of people to easily act on their altruistic impulses, and actors, musicians, even
tennis players have held shows aimed at getting more people to donate to relief efforts. The generosity displayed
is to be applauded. The risk is that the relief being provided now, in the short term, will not do enough to
address the real causes of the catastrophe. Immediate relief is needed, but so is a long-term commitment to helping
Haiti rebuild in such a way that when the next natural disaster strikes (which it will), it does not turn into
another human catastrophe.
According to Laura Freschi, Associate Director of the Development Research Institute at New York University, what
are needed alongside all the donations to Haitian relief efforts are unallocated donations to non-governmental
organisations that have a standing commitment to, and experience working with Haitian communities as well as other
impoverished places. These are the organisations that will be there when the media loses interest. They will be the
open hands helping Haitians ensure that their government grows stronger, their infrastructure is more stable, and
their people find a way out of poverty.
"A Tax System for New Zealand's Future"
It is time for change. That was the message from the Government's Tax Working Group which presented its final
report last week. The Group was operating under some restrictions, like having to recommend changes that would not
reduce the total amount of tax the government collects. Despite this, its carefully considered analysis suggests
there's a good possibility of meaningful reform.
The Group was highly critical of the current system's uneven approach. In particular, different tax rates across
different tax bases create a patchy system and practically invite tax avoidance. For example, because trusts are
taxed at a lower rate than some personal incomes, people can shelter their income from paying personal income tax
by directing it through a trust. The Group state "the ability to shelter income in trusts cost the government
roughly $300 million in tax revenue in 2007." A solution is rate alignment, where the same rate applies to the
different bases—30 percent on personal income, corporate income and trust income for example. To be able to
afford to align these rates—for example, by dropping personal income taxes from 38 percent and 33 percent to
30 percent or less—it suggested some controversial measures. For example, property owners might face a new
land tax and the tax break for depreciation on buildings could also be up for the chop.
The unfortunate reality is that change won't be comfortable in the short-term. Some of the changes suggested as
ways to pay for rate alignment would mean either raising new taxes or removing tax breaks some taxpayers have been
enjoying up until now. When thinking about the best mix of taxes to collect revenue from, the Government should
think long and hard about how to mitigate impacts on vulnerable low-income families, in particular. However, it
should think equally hard about why the Group recommends these changes. They are necessary to create long-run
benefits to the economy and to all of us, including those who are vulnerable now.
Reconciling the long-term benefits with short-term care is perhaps the Government's biggest challenge, one that
should be managed by a vision of a thriving future for New Zealand. The Group's report has given a good idea of
what that vision might require.
Power and hypocrisy
The tale of a celebrity or a leader falling from grace is a familiar one. As the famous saying from Lord Acton
goes, "power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely." Psychological Science has
published research which finds a link between power and moral hypocrisy. The researchers claim their work "is
especially relevant to the biggest scandals of 2009, as we look back on how private behaviour often contradicted
the public stance of particular individuals in power." They suggest that those who feel entitled to hold a lot of
power, tend to see themselves as separate to the standards that they expect others to live by. This research is
interesting and confirms many intuitive assumptions. It also suggests that the checks and balances built into our
parliamentary system are to be celebrated and upheld.
The research, "Power Increases Hypocrisy: Moralizing in reasoning, immunity and behaviour," was based on five
experiments. The first experiment revealed that those who felt more powerful were more likely to cheat, but were
less tolerant of those who cheat, than those who did not feel as powerful. In two other tests, scenarios were given
to see how those in positions of power felt about themselves engaging in moral or legal transgressions compared to
others. In all three experiments "high power" participants showed a higher level of moral hypocrisy. The final
experiment determined if a feeling of entitlement to their power, affected their level of moral hypocrisy. This
revealed that for those who felt a sense of entitlement or legitimacy in their power, moral hypocrisy is more
likely.
We can't replace the need for leadership but given the report's findings it does seem that perhaps our approach to
leadership needs to encourage teamwork and accountability, rather than the elevation of leaders to hold power in
isolation. In a parliamentary system in which our elected officials are given a significant amount of power and
influence, we also need to be sure that we protect the checks and balances within the system, which keep that power
contained.
And for those who find themselves wielding power and influence, it is crucial that they surround themselves with
those who remind them of the responsibility and service attached to their power, if they are to mitigate against
the risks associated with a sense of entitlement.

The burden of caring
The National Health Committee has just released a report on ways to provide long-term support for people who look
after family members in need of care. The report focuses on ways to improve support services, improve consistency
across services and locations, and "reduce fragmentation in the care system" but doesn't directly address the
question of financial support to families.
The report's release coincides with the Human Rights Review Tribunal deciding that the Ministry of Health had
discriminated against parents by not allowing them to be paid as carers of their disabled adult children, while
others who were not related could be paid carers.
Both the report and the Tribunal's ruling step into the long-running challenge of effectively caring for those in
New Zealand who require significant daily assistance. The Government has lodged an appeal against the Tribunal's
decision.
Should three strikes mean you're out?
It works for baseball but will it work for crime? After more than a year of debate, the Government announced their
changes to the Sentencing and Parole Reform Bill, to incorporate a "three strikes" policy. For a criminal convicted
of their third serious offence, the courts will have no option but to impose the maximum prison term for that
offence without the chance of parole, unless "it would be manifestly unjust to impose such an order."
In places where "three strikes" policies have already been implemented, the results have been mixed. Some claim it
has led to a drop in violent crime. Others claim it leads to an increase in murders as criminals on their last
strike have nothing to lose. The Bill is now before a Select Committee, with submissions of the Government's policy
likely to be received from those who submitted on an earlier version of the Bill.

